Faith and the Founders: Spiritual Influences on Independence

1. John Locke: Equality, Property, and the Limits of Government

John Locke gave the American Founders one of their clearest explanations of liberty. He was not their only influence; colonial experience, English constitutional tradition, classical republican thought, Protestant theology, and other Enlightenment writers also shaped the Revolution. Even so, Locke brought several ideas together with unusual force: people are naturally equal, rights existed before government, political authority rests on consent, and power is legitimate only when used for the purposes entrusted to it.

Religion was more than a background influence on Locke’s argument. In Two Treatises of Government, he used Scripture to challenge Sir Robert Filmer’s claim that kings inherited Adam’s authority as a father. Locke answered on biblical grounds. He argued that Genesis gives neither Adam nor any later monarch absolute ownership of the earth or unlimited authority over other people.

Created by God, Equal by Nature

Locke began with the Creation account. Genesis 1 presents humanity, not a royal family, as bearing God’s image. In the Bible, “God created mankind in his own image” (Genesis 1:27)¹. The next verse gives humanity dominion over the earth, but Locke understood that grant as a gift to humankind in common, not as a private title deed issued to Adam as the first king.

That interpretation challenged the idea that kings inherited unlimited power. If all people share a common origin under one Creator, no person is born with a natural title to rule everyone else. Political rank may be created by lawful agreement, but it is not written into human nature. This conclusion closely resembles the Declaration of Independence: “all men are created equal” and receive their rights from their Creator, not from a monarch.

Locke reinforced that point with Psalm 115:16: “the earth he has given to mankind“. The world is presented as God’s gift to humanity, not as a royal ancestor’s private estate. No ruler could show that Adam’s supposed universal authority had passed to him through an unbroken line of heirs. Divine-right monarchy therefore lacked both a secure biblical foundation and a workable rule of succession.

Property as Stewardship and Labor

If the earth was first given in common, how could anyone rightfully own a field, a tool, a crop, or a home? Locke answered by turning from the gift of creation to the work people perform within it. Genesis 2:15 says God placed the man in the garden “to work it and take care of it.” When a person cultivates soil, gathers produce, builds, or makes something useful, labor establishes a claim to the result.

For Locke, labor creates a rightful claim because each person has a basic claim to his or her own life and work. Property, then, does not begin as a favor from a king. It grows from useful work performed under natural law. That right still has moral limits: people should not take so much that goods spoil while others lack what they need, and they should leave enough opportunity for others. Property is a right, but not a license for waste or abuse.

Scripture also connects possession with responsibility. First Timothy 5:8 begins, “Anyone who does not provide for their relatives” has neglected a serious duty. Locke treated preservation of oneself, one’s household, and, when possible, others as an obligation of natural law. Property helps people discharge that duty by giving them secure use of the fruits of their work.

No Person Is Another Person’s Property

Locke sharply distinguished property in goods from ownership of human beings. Exodus 21:16 condemns anyone who “kidnaps someone” and sells or retains that person. For Locke, no one possesses natural, arbitrary power over another person’s life. Even a person cannot surrender completely what he or she does not possess: an unlimited right to destroy one’s own life.

This principle places a moral limit on political power. A ruler does not own the people, and the people are not the ruler’s property. Government may punish wrongdoing under known laws, but it may not treat human beings as tools of another person’s will. Political power is held in trust and must be used for the public good.

Government by Consent, Not Paternal Right

Filmer compared kings to fathers and subjects to children. Locke rejected that analogy. Parental care is temporary and directed toward a child’s maturity; political authority concerns free and equal adults living under common laws. A family relationship cannot establish a monarch’s permanent authority over an entire nation.

Legitimate government begins when people consent to form a political community and authorize institutions to protect their lives, liberties, and possessions. Once formed, government must rule through established laws rather than personal whim. It must apply those laws impartially, preserve the community, and avoid taking property without lawful consent. Public office is a trust, not a private inheritance.

The biblical history of Israel also helped Locke show that providence does not require absolute monarchy. Scripture describes judges, elders, assemblies, covenants, and kings in different settings. In 1 Samuel 8, Samuel warns that a king will take sons, daughters, fields, harvests, servants, and flocks; the warning culminates, “you yourselves will become his slaves” (1 Samuel 8:17). In other words, power established for protection can become a means of exploitation.

The Right to Resist Tyranny

Because government rests on trust between the government and the people, that trust can be broken. When rulers substitute arbitrary will for law, seize property, obstruct representative institutions, or use force against the people, they place themselves in a state of war with the community. Resistance is not justified by every mistake or unpopular decision. Locke expected people to endure ordinary failings. The right of resistance arises when a sustained pattern shows that government is attacking the ends for which it was created.

This reasoning became especially important in the American founding. The Declaration’s argument follows a recognizable Lockean sequence: people possess rights before government; governments are instituted to secure those rights; legitimate power comes from the consent of the governed; and a government that repeatedly destroys those ends may be altered or abolished. The Declaration’s list of grievances was meant to show that the break with Britain rested on a pattern of abuses rather than impatience or disorder.

From Biblical Argument to American Liberty

Locke’s influence should not be overstated to the point of claiming he alone shaped American political thought. Colonial experience, English constitutional traditions, classical republicanism, Protestant theology, and other Enlightenment writers also mattered. Still, Locke supplied an unusually coherent bridge between religious claims about human beings under God and political claims about equality, rights, consent, and limited authority.

His use of Scripture served three connected purposes. First, it denied that the Bible established hereditary, absolute monarchy. Second, it grounded human equality in a common Creator rather than in rulers’ permission. Third, it placed moral limits on both individual acquisition and government power. Rights carried responsibilities, and authority remained accountable to a higher law.

Why this matters: Locke helped transform liberty from a privilege granted by rulers into a right possessed by people. Government exists to secure that liberty, not to create it; public power is a trust, not a possession; and when power becomes systematically destructive, the people retain the authority to defend the purposes for which government was formed.

Questions for Discussion

How does Locke’s reading of Genesis challenge the divine right of kings?
Why does Locke connect labor with property, and what moral limits does he place on ownership?
What is the difference between parental authority and political authority?
How does 1 Samuel 8 illustrate the dangers of concentrated power?
Which parts of the Declaration of Independence most clearly reflect Locke’s reasoning?

2. Thomas Paine: Scripture, Monarchy, and the Case for Independence

Locke supplied a philosophical framework for liberty; Thomas Paine carried a related case into the public debate. Published in January 1776, Common Sense spoke in a direct, urgent voice to ordinary colonists. The pamphlet did more than criticize British policy. It challenged monarchy itself and argued that separation from Britain was both practical and morally defensible.

Religion was central to that effort. In the section “Of Monarchy and Hereditary Succession,” Paine used familiar biblical narratives to dispute the claim that kings ruled by divine approval. His central contention was that Scripture did not establish hereditary monarchy as God’s preferred political order. Instead, he argued, the biblical record warned that kingship could elevate one family above the rest, burden the people, and compete with God’s sovereignty.

Equality at Creation

Paine began with what he called humanity’s original equality in the order of creation. No natural or religious principle, he argued, could justify dividing humanity permanently into rulers by birth and subjects by birth. Differences in wealth or circumstance might develop over time, but hereditary monarchy made a more radical claim: one family was born to govern while everyone else was born to obey.

Here Paine’s argument meets Locke’s. Genesis 1:27 says, “God created mankind in his own image,” without identifying a royal bloodline as a separate order of humanity. Paine therefore treated inherited political power as a human arrangement, not a distinction established at creation. It had to be judged by its results, and he believed those results were destructive.

Gideon Refuses a Dynasty

Paine found one of his clearest biblical examples in Judges 8. After Gideon’s victory over Midian, the Israelites asked him to establish a hereditary line: “Rule over us—you, your son and your grandson” (Judges 8:22). Gideon refused both the crown and the dynasty: “I will not rule over you, nor will my son rule over you. The Lord will rule over you” (Judges 8:23).

Paine treated Gideon’s answer as a direct rejection of monarchy and hereditary succession. The people offered power not only to a successful leader but also to his descendants. Gideon’s refusal denied that military achievement created a permanent right of rule or that political authority should pass automatically from parent to child. In Paine’s reading, the passage also preserved a crucial distinction: God’s sovereignty could not be transferred to a family merely because the public admired its founder.

Israel Asks for a King

First Samuel 8 formed the heart of Paine’s biblical case. Israel’s elders asked Samuel to appoint a king “such as all the other nations have” (1 Samuel 8:5). God told Samuel, “it is not you they have rejected, but they have rejected me as their king” (1 Samuel 8:7). Paine used this statement to portray Israel’s demand not as the discovery of an ideal constitution but as a rejection of divine rule.

Samuel then described what centralized royal power would do. A king would take sons for military service, daughters for royal labor, the best fields and vineyards, part of the harvest, servants, livestock, and other resources. The warning ends with the people becoming subject to the ruler’s demands. Paine saw a familiar pattern: forced military service, heavy taxes, seized property, political favors, and loss of freedom.

For colonial readers, the application was difficult to miss. Paine invited them to compare Samuel’s warning with their own complaints about imperial warfare, taxation, political subordination, and a distant government’s claims upon their lives and property. In his presentation, British rule was not merely inconvenient. It displayed the tendencies that Scripture had already associated with concentrated monarchical power.

Acknowledging the Sin of Kingship

Paine reinforced his interpretation with 1 Samuel 12. Samuel reminded Israel that the people had asked for a king even though “the Lord your God was your king” (1 Samuel 12:12). After the sign of thunder and rain, the people confessed, “We have added to all our other sins the evil of asking for a king” (1 Samuel 12:19).

Paine believed this confession supported Samuel’s earlier warning. Israel had asked for a king, and the people later admitted that their request was sinful. In Paine’s view, God allowed Israel to have a king because the people insisted on it, not because hereditary monarchy was the best form of government for every nation.

“Give Back to Caesar” Does Not Create a King

Defenders of royal government sometimes appealed to Jesus’ command, “Give back to Caesar what is Caesar’s, and to God what is God’s” (Matthew 22:21). Paine answered that this instruction did not establish monarchy. Judea was under Roman domination, and Caesar was an imperial ruler, not a king appointed through Israel’s biblical covenant.

The passage addresses duties within an existing political condition; it does not declare hereditary monarchy sacred, require nations to create royal dynasties, or place rulers beyond moral judgment. Paine’s larger point was that a text concerning civil obligation could not erase the Bible’s warnings about the misuse of political power.

From Biblical History to Republican Government

Paine compressed biblical history into a political narrative. Humanity began equal under God. The patriarchs lived without hereditary kings. Israel was governed through law, judges, elders, and assemblies before it demanded a monarchy. When kingship arrived, Scripture recorded both the people’s rejection of God’s rule and Samuel’s warning about the costs of concentrated power.

From this account, Paine drew a republican conclusion: legitimate government should arise from the community rather than descend through a bloodline. His objection was not limited to one bad king. Birth alone could not furnish a rational title to public authority, because wisdom, virtue, and competence do not pass automatically from parent to child. Hereditary succession could therefore place a nation’s welfare in the hands of an unfit ruler.

This distinction supported the case for independence. If monarchy lacked a natural or biblical foundation, colonial loyalty to the British crown was no longer a sacred duty. Americans could design institutions based on representation, law, public consent, and the common good.

Why Paine Used Scripture

Paine’s biblical argument served several purposes. First, it answered defenders of divine-right monarchy on their own ground. If kings appealed to Scripture, Paine would show that Scripture’s most prominent narratives about the origin of Israelite kingship contained warning, rejection, and repentance.

Second, biblical examples allowed him to reach a broad colonial audience. Gideon and Samuel were more familiar to many readers than technical debates in political philosophy. Paine translated constitutional questions into recognizable moral stories: a victorious leader refuses a dynasty; a nation asks to imitate other nations; a prophet warns what rulers will take; and the people later acknowledge their error.

Third, Paine made independence a religious as well as a political question. Resistance to hereditary monarchy could be presented as consistent with respect for Scripture and God’s sovereignty. By reserving ultimate authority for God, Paine denied the quasi-sacred status implied by royal titles such as “sacred majesty.” A mortal ruler was not a separate species of humanity and could not claim divine honor merely by inheritance.

An Important Historical Qualification

Paine focused on the parts of the Bible that best supported his argument. The Bible includes severe criticism of kings, but it also records divinely authorized kingship, especially in the history of David and the promises connected to his line. Other readers have therefore understood Israel’s problem not as monarchy in every form, but as unfaithful rulers, misplaced trust, or the desire for a king “like all the other nations.”

Common Sense was written to persuade, not to serve as a neutral Bible commentary. Paine addressed a specific audience at a pivotal moment. He emphasized passages that warned against monarchy and viewed Israel’s later kingship as something God allowed after the people demanded it. Understanding Paine’s purpose helps readers appreciate the force of his argument while also recognizing its limits.

From Common Sense to American Liberty

Paine’s contribution differed from Locke’s but complemented it. Locke explained why people possess rights before government and why political authority must remain limited and accountable. Paine attacked the inherited institution that most visibly contradicted those principles. He turned equality, consent, and resistance to arbitrary power into a plainspoken demand for American independence.

Why this matters: Paine helped colonial readers see that monarchy was neither inevitable nor beyond examination. By using Scripture, he challenged the religious prestige of hereditary rule, warned that concentrated power tends to take the people’s labor, property, and freedom, and argued that a nation could form a government grounded in representation and public consent rather than royal blood.

Questions for Discussion

How does Paine’s appeal to equality at creation resemble Locke’s argument, and how does his tone differ?
Why was Gideon’s refusal to establish a dynasty important to Paine’s case against hereditary succession?
Which parts of Samuel’s warning would have seemed especially relevant to American colonists in 1776?
Why does Paine argue that Matthew 22:21 does not establish monarchy?
What are the strengths and limitations of using biblical history to support a modern political argument?

3. The Signers: Faith, Human Rights, and a New Political Order

Locke explained why political power must be limited, and Paine made the case against monarchy accessible to a broad colonial audience. The Declaration’s signers carried those arguments into public action. Acting through the Continental Congress, they adopted, defended, and pledged themselves to a new political order. Jefferson prepared the initial draft; Adams and Franklin reviewed it; the Committee of Five presented it; and Congress debated and revised it. The final document therefore speaks in a corporate voice: “We hold these truths,” “we mutually pledge,” and “these United Colonies are … Free and Independent States.”

The signers did not share the same theology, denomination, occupation, education, or level of religious devotion. They included committed Christians, religious thinkers who relied heavily on reason, and men whose private beliefs are still debated. Yet together they approved a public argument that referred openly to God. In that argument, rights exist before government, equality begins with creation, political conduct is judged by a higher moral law, and nations remain under divine judgment and providence. As a group, the signers turned ideas about liberty into the founding claim of a people seeking independence.

A Corporate Act, Not a Collection of Private Creeds

The Declaration emerged from a deliberative process rather than from a single pen. Congress appointed Jefferson, Adams, Franklin, Roger Sherman, and Robert R. Livingston to prepare a statement. Jefferson drafted it; Adams and Franklin suggested changes; the committee submitted it; and Congress revised and adopted it on July 4, 1776. Congress later ordered an engrossed parchment copy, which delegates began signing on August 2; fifty-six delegates eventually signed.

This process matters because the final text cannot be reduced to Jefferson’s personal theology or treated as fifty-six separate confessions of faith. It represents what the adopting Congress was willing to affirm publicly and collectively. The signers attached their names to a common set of political propositions and accepted responsibility for defending them before Britain, other nations, their fellow colonists, and God.

A Religious World of Shared Language and Varied Belief

Most signers lived within a culture shaped deeply by Christianity, biblical literacy, churches, and religiously founded colleges. Harvard, Yale, the College of New Jersey, William & Mary, and other institutions commonly taught classical languages, moral philosophy, Scripture, and theology. Such an education could strongly influence a person’s moral and political vocabulary, but it did not necessarily amount to a modern seminary degree or establish identical personal beliefs.

John Witherspoon provides the clearest example of advanced theological preparation. Educated in Scotland, ordained as a Presbyterian minister, and later president of the College of New Jersey, now Princeton, he brought formal theology, moral philosophy, and pastoral experience to Congress. Lyman Hall had also been ordained and served briefly as a Congregational minister before practicing medicine. The National Archives identifies Witherspoon and Hall as the two clergymen among the signers.

Other signers had varying degrees of ministerial interest or religious education. Robert Treat Paine considered the ministry and served briefly as a military chaplain before entering law. Charles Carroll of Carrollton studied in Catholic institutions in Europe. James Wilson and William Hooper received classical educations in environments where religion and preparation for the clergy were significant, but neither became an ordained minister.

Some accounts say that twenty-nine signers held “seminary” or “Bible-college” degrees. Those terms can be misleading when applied to the eighteenth century. At the time of the Revolution, many colleges taught theology and prepared some students for the ministry, but they were not seminaries or Bible colleges in the modern sense. Separate theological seminaries and Bible colleges became more common later, and several early colleges also changed their programs and purposes over time. Many signers therefore received an education shaped by religion, moral philosophy, natural law, and public duty, but attending one of these colleges did not necessarily mean that a signer had formal ministerial training or shared the same religious beliefs as other signers.

Human Equality Under a Creator

The Declaration’s best-known claim begins with creation: “all men are created equal” and are “endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights.” Its logic places the signers’ case for liberty above royal permission. Human beings possess dignity and rights because of their relationship to their Creator, not because a king, Parliament, or legislature grants them.

This reasoning has a clear biblical parallel in the belief that all people share one origin. Acts 17:26 says, “From one man he made all the nations,” while Genesis presents humankind as made in God’s image. The Declaration does not quote either passage or define a specifically Christian doctrine. Its language does, however, assume a moral order in which equality limits every claim that some people are born with a natural right to rule others.

The political consequence is decisive. Government does not manufacture fundamental rights; it is instituted “to secure these rights.” Authority rises from “the consent of the governed,” while rights come from the Creator. This produces a hierarchy of accountability:

God and moral law → inherent human rights → the people → legitimate government

Under this arrangement, government is neither the people’s owner nor the highest moral authority. Its legitimacy depends on whether it protects the rights it was created to secure.

Nature’s God and a Law Above Government

The Declaration opens by appealing to “the Laws of Nature and of Nature’s God.” This phrase presents independence not simply as something the colonies wanted, but as a status to which they claimed entitlement under a moral law higher than British law. Parliament, the crown, colonial assemblies, and the Continental Congress all remained answerable to standards they did not create.

The signers therefore framed their cause as a legal and moral argument. They first announced principles of equality, rights, consent, and the purposes of government. They then explained when resistance becomes justified, listed a sustained pattern of alleged abuses, described failed petitions, and finally declared political separation. They presented liberty not as freedom from all law, but as freedom under just law.

This idea is consistent with the biblical demand that public power serve justice rather than personal advantage. Micah 6:8 calls people “to act justly and to love mercy.” The Declaration does not cite Micah, but its appeal to a higher law assumes that rulers and nations can be judged by standards beyond political success.

The Creator Gives Rights; Government Secures Them

The word “unalienable” marks rights that cannot rightly be surrendered or taken away at a ruler’s pleasure. The signers named “Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness” and then defined the proper task of government: securing those rights. Political institutions are instruments, not sources, of human dignity.

This distinction drove the break with monarchy. If rights come from the Creator, a king cannot claim to be their author. If authority comes from the governed, hereditary rule cannot justify itself by birth alone. If government attacks the rights it exists to protect, the people retain authority to alter or abolish it and establish new safeguards for their security and happiness.

The principle reached farther than the society that proclaimed it. In 1776, slavery remained entrenched, women lacked equal political participation, Indigenous peoples were treated unjustly, and many inhabitants did not enjoy the rights expressed in universal language. Those contradictions do not disappear because the principle was stated; instead, they reveal the distance between the nation’s standard and its conduct. Later generations would use the Declaration’s own words to press the country toward a broader recognition of human equality.

The Supreme Judge and the Justice of the Cause

Near its conclusion, the Declaration appeals “to the Supreme Judge of the world for the rectitude of our intentions.” In plain terms, the representatives placed their motives before a judge higher than the British government or the opinion of other nations.

The appeal did not guarantee that every accusation was correct or that every signer’s motives were pure. It did declare that political actors are morally accountable. Nations, congresses, kings, and revolutionaries cannot make justice whatever they wish it to be. By invoking a Supreme Judge, the signers asserted that their cause must withstand judgment outside themselves.

Acts 17:31 says that God “will judge the world with justice.” The Declaration does not quote this verse, but its language points to a similar idea: history has moral meaning, and those who hold power answer to a standard higher than power itself.

Divine Providence and a Costly Pledge

The final sentence expresses “a firm reliance on the protection of divine Providence.” Providence means more than a distant Creator who established the world and withdrew from it. It refers to God’s continuing governance and care within history. The signers invoked that care as they entered a war with an uncertain outcome.

Their closing words, “we mutually pledge to each other our Lives, our Fortunes and our sacred Honor“, turn abstract principles into a shared obligation. The pledge is mutual because independence required cooperation among colonies with different interests, churches, economies, and regional identities. It is sacred because they offered their honor under divine oversight. Signing joined personal risk to public principle.

The language of providence did not mean that every signer experienced the same losses or that later legends about their sacrifices are all reliable. Its importance lies in what the group formally promised: they would bind their lives and resources to defend a nation founded upon the announced claims of equality, rights, consent, and accountable government.

Four References, One Clear Framework

The Declaration’s references to God are not random ornaments. Each performs a distinct role in the argument:

Nature’s God grounds a moral law higher than human government.
Creator establishes human equality and gives unalienable rights.
Supreme Judge of the world holds political motives and conduct accountable.
Divine Providence governs history and is invoked for protection.

Together, these references form a clear framework: God establishes moral law, creates human beings with rights, judges the use of political power, and remains active in history. The Declaration is therefore theistic², or openly based on belief in God. It is not, however, a Christian creed or denominational statement. It does not mention Jesus Christ, the Trinity, salvation, baptism, the Bible, or a particular church.

That broad language helped a religiously diverse Congress speak with one public voice. Christians from several traditions and religious rationalists whose beliefs differed from orthodox Christianity could affirm it. What united the signers was not a detailed creed but a public conviction that rights and moral accountability stand above government.

The Signers as a Founding Body

The progression across these three parts is now clear. Locke offered a philosophy of natural rights, consent, and limited government. Paine used Scripture and plain argument to loosen monarchy’s hold on the colonial imagination. The signers, acting through Congress, then gave those ideas public and political form in the Declaration. They did not claim to create equality or rights; they claimed to recognize them and to place legitimate government beneath the people and a higher moral law.

Seen in this way, the signers were the principal corporate group driving the creation of a country publicly committed to human rights and liberty. Their unity was political and moral rather than denominational. They adopted a document that located rights in the Creator, authority in the consent of the governed, justice under a Supreme Judge, and national hope in divine Providence.

Why this matters: The signers’ faith cannot be measured responsibly by slogans about how many attended a religious college or by assigning one theology to all fifty-six. The stronger historical evidence is the Declaration they adopted together. Its argument makes government accountable to a higher moral order and defines political power as a means of securing rights that already belong to human beings.

Questions for Discussion

Why is it important to distinguish the Declaration’s corporate claims from the private beliefs of individual signers?
How do the four references to God perform different functions in the document’s argument?
What changes when rights are understood as gifts of the Creator rather than grants from government?
How did the signers’ pledge turn political philosophy into a shared public commitment?
How should readers evaluate the gap between the Declaration’s universal principles and the unequal society of 1776?

2
Theistic means the Declaration refers openly to God as Creator, Judge, source of moral law, and guide of history without stating the beliefs of a specific denomination. ↩︎